British Political Participation Crisis

British Political Participation Crisis

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nIntroduction

nLow turnout in electoral processes in Britain has represented a crisis in the country. Reports clearly revealed out that as compared to politics in the early post World War II period, in recent general elections, the turnout has been significantly lower (Garnett and Lynch 2014). In 1951 general elections, the turnout recorded its highest level but it has recently attained very low levels. For instance, in 2001 general elections, the turnout was substantially poor. Unfortunately, since this election, the turnout has not recovered as expected. Nonetheless, on closer analysis, other factors indicate lack of crisis in British politics (Jones and Norton 2014). Although, a high turnout in general election is recommended, there are wide ranges of ways through which the British can engage in political processes (Heywood 2015). In this regard, the paper will critically analyse the participation of political processes in Britain through pressure groups, demonstrations, electoral turnout and political parties. This will help to understand whether there is a political participation crisis in Britain.

nTurnout in general elections have significantly reduced over the past decade. Research by Leach (2015) noted that since 1997 general elections, turnout continue to decline. Prior to the 1990s, the elections turnout in Britain was approximately 75 per cent. On the other hand, in the 1950s, the turnout was considerably high because nearly 85 per cent of the voters participated in elections (Leach 2015). Similarly, general elections in 1997 recorded a fair turnout at approximately 70 per cent of the voters. Unfortunately, in 2001 general elections, the turnout rate reduced further to 60 per cent (Driver 2011). More importantly, since this election, the turnout rate has not recovered significantly. For instance, in 2005 and 2010 general elections, they both failed to record a turnout rate more than 65 per cent of the voters (Budge, McKay, Newton and Bartle 2013).

nAccording to Jones and Norton (2014), the major reason behind significant drop in turnout of electoral process is the inability of political parties to enhance engagement between the voters and the process. However, the blame on this failure has been directed towards the political parties and the voters themselves (Jones and Norton 2014). Budge, McKay, Newton and Bartle (2013) argued that the reason behind lower turnout in general elections across Britain in the recent past is attributed to voters apathy. In this regard, many people are losing their interest in politics because they lack trust with politicians and political parties (Budge, McKay, Newton and Bartle 2013). Furthermore, most political parties in the country do not engage their members hence; they do not realize the need to vote in general elections (Dunleavy, Heffernan, Cowley and Hay 2011).

nScholars such as Garnett and Lynch (2014) suggested that corruption among politicians and political parties have promoted mistrust among voters hence they lack interest and proper reasons to engage in elections. On the other hand, political parties are merging in a manner that limits the real choice for the voters (Garnett and Lynch 2014). Therefore, low turnout in general elections is caused by change in politicians rather than voters. Consequently, low turnout has caused decline in partisan connection, which has been decreasing along electoral turnout from the 1950s (Whiteley 2011). For instance, reports indicated that by 1995, the Conservative Party members had an average age of 62 years hence the party had low number of young people (Leach 2015). Therefore, youth were less likely to engage in electoral processes because there was little involvement in political parties.

nMost of the electorate are less likely to engage in elections because they want to perform their daily duties (Wright 2013). Moreover, others pay close attention to the cost and benefits of electoral processes (McCormick 2013). Furthermore, major political parties in the country are slowly becoming ideological alike; hence, most voters believe that the cost of voting is higher than actual benefits. Ideological similarities of major political parties were evidently progressively widespread in the early 2000s and late 1990s (Jones and Norton 2014). For instance, the Labour Party under the name New Labour introduced new policies on rights similar to Liberal Democrats (Watts 2012).

nMoreover, rational electorates make decisions on whether to participate in elections or not depending on how important they believe their votes will be. Reports have demonstrated this via the rising political participation at electoral processes in marginal seats (Diamond 2013). The theories of rational choice attempt to explain the reasons for lower turnout in 2001 and 1997 general elections (Garnett and Lynch 2014). In this case, the main two political parties had similar ideologies and very little divergent issues. Moreover, the Labour Party was expected to win comfortably in both elections because the Conservative Party offered little challenge (Budge, McKay, Newton and Bartle 2013). Therefore, many voters choose to remain at home because there were logical reasons to increase the number of electorates. Similarly, in the 1992 general elections, the media predicted a tight contest between main rivals, producing an increase in the number of electorate because they believed it is significant to cast their vote (Leach 2015). Therefore, logical theory suggests that higher turnout in elections is likely when voters believe that their votes will make a difference (Leach, Coxall and Robins 2011).

nOther types of political participation in Britain indicate that there is no crisis in electoral process in the country. For instance, there is a rise in membership in the pressure groups. The ideologies of political parties have become more centralised with the formulation of policies intended to increase the number of voters (Jones and Norton 2014). The rise of pressure groups is facilitated by the need to have an efficient alternative method, which persons try to check and control the government. Many of these pressure groups have more members as compared to political parties. For instance, pressure groups such as the National Trust have more than 3.5 million members across the country. More notably, because of its huge size of its members and conservation skills in rural areas and historical sites, the National Trust has more power in terms of its effect on government (Budge, McKay, Newton and Bartle 2013). In addition, it has the ability to consult and lobby in formulation of policies within the government on areas that its members have a common perspectives.

nMembers of such pressure groups normally obtain regular updates and newsletters as well as privileges. Heywood (2015) argued that this kind of participation is more active as compared to that needed in general elections. In this regard, participation in electoral process use a few months of the voters interests in an interval of five years. Pressure groups are successful in promoting participation of its members. For instance, in 2010, only 2 per cent of voters were members of political parties while approximately 33 per cent of voters were active members of pressure groups in the same year (Heywood 2015). More significantly, pressure groups provide a perfect avenue through which they can seek public support and media attention as well as lobbying the government. Therefore, they create a political agenda and holding the government accountable for its promises (Leach 2015). High rate of membership in pressure groups has played an essential role in enhancing political participation in the country (Hall 2011).

nA political demonstration is an alternative method of political participation in the Britain. According to Diamond (2013), demonstrations have increased in the country in the recent past. A wide range of political activities is categorized as demonstration such as blockades, petitions and boycotts (Diamond 2013). Political demonstrations have been taking place for different issues that normally would not cause a demonstration. Consequently, it has led to change in demographics of people participating in those protests (Jones and Norton 2014). For instance, demonstrations against spending and war have occurred recently in Britain that was attended by liberal members and left of centre voters.

nSimilarly, conservatives and right wing supporters participated in demonstrations organized by the Countryside Alliances (Cowley, Denver and Russell 2013). In particular, this demonstration represented a change in the normal protestors demographic is because they were against government failure to meet the needs of people living in rural areas as compared to those in urban areas (Heywood 2015). McCormick (2013) noted that demonstrations played a major role in forcing the government to change its earlier decision to privatise forests across Britain. The engagement of people to take part in demonstrations represents the desire of voters to participate in British politics (McCormick 2013). In most cases, youth engage in demonstrations as compared to older people because of their radical backgrounds. Political demonstrations are another way that the public participate in British politics because it is considered more effective as compared to voting (Diamond 2013).

nConclusion

nIn Britain, there is no crisis in terms of political participation. Evidence point out that turnout in voting in the recent elections has reduced significantly, as compared to post World War II period (Garnett and Lynch 2014). However, assuming that political participation is in crisis due to this fact is ignoring other forms of political involvements. Voters in the country are engaging in other forms of politics such as political demonstrations, and pressure groups (Budge, McKay, Newton and Bartle 2013). Therefore, active political participation is still existing hence there is no crisis.

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nReferences

nBudge, I., McKay, D., Newton, K. and Bartle, J., 2013. The New British Politics. Routledge.

nCowley, P., Denver, D. and Russell, A., 2013. British Elections & Parties Review. Hoboken: Taylor and Francis.

nDiamond, P., 2013. Governing Britain: Power, Politics and the Prime Minister. IB Tauris.

nDriver, S., 2011. Understanding British party politics. Polity.

nDunleavy, P., Heffernan, R., Cowley, P. and Hay, C., 2011. Developments in British politics 8. Palgrave Macmillan.

nGarnett, M. and Lynch, P., 2014. Exploring British Politics. Routledge.

nHall, M., 2011. Political traditions and UK politics. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire, UK: Palgrave Macmillan.

nHeywood, A., 2015. Essentials of UK politics. Palgrave Macmillan.

nJones, B. and Norton, P., 2014. Politics UK. Routledge.

nLeach, R., 2015. Political ideology in Britain. Palgrave Macmillan.

nLeach, R., Coxall, B. and Robins, L., 2011. British Politics. London: Palgrave Macmillan.

nMcCormick, J., 2013. British politics and the environment (Vol. 6). Routledge.

nWatts, D., 2012. British Government and Politics. Edinburgh University Press.

nWhiteley, P., 2011. Political Participation in Britain. London: Palgrave Macmillan.

nWright, A., 2013. British politics: A Very Short Introduction. London: Oxford University Press.